The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most influential incumbents of that position in American history. Although numerous vice-presidents were confined to marginal or symbolic functions, Cheney exercised huge sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently described as the "actual president".
Bush resented that description and claimed the connection was more complex. He observed that Cheney was courteous, invariably calling him in official appearances as Mr President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their association as a team because it implied that they were on equal footing. In spite of such protestations, Cheney viewed the easygoing president accommodating on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
A Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a group of conservative hawks that encompassed military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a school in Florida. As Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the destruction of any unresponsive aircraft approaching the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the strikes transformed him, making him become focused on retaliation. Along with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Decisions
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, nor about the enhanced interrogation of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on inaccurate reports circulated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It was the proper decision to do back then. I had faith then and I maintain that stance now."
But during that period, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I observed, at the very least," he wrote later "obvious failure, inaction, and unaccountability: at worst, deception, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had written a memorandum outlining scenarios in which national priorities might be compromised (featuring "availability of essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be postured to act independently when collective action cannot be arranged," explicitly referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush additionally had assumed the Oval Office vaguely intent on implementing what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the president, the finance chief Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and proposed military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been responsible for a conspiracy to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the most prominent hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a portrait of his predecessor's visage that everyone had to tread upon.
Interrogation Methods
However it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement advocating striking Iraq, repeatedly quoting agency briefings that were whether weak or totally inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush administration indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the use of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no useful information had been obtained through the torture, Cheney rejected the findings as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place initiatives to catch the bastards who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in monikers given to him by critics such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the idea that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 volume about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the background that remains unseen leave his lair? That is a advantageous way to work, truthfully."
Business Interests
Dispute over his commercial relationships pursued him throughout his time as VP. Although he had little experience in corporate affairs but established relationships in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial petroleum companies, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US agreements totaling billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the firm increased from his quarter-million dollars during his time as military head to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling over $20m|twenty
